{"id":34244,"date":"2026-10-14T11:46:07","date_gmt":"2026-10-14T11:46:07","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.legalserviceindia.com\/Legal-Articles\/?p=34244"},"modified":"2026-10-14T11:49:29","modified_gmt":"2026-10-14T11:49:29","slug":"when-judicial-reform-threatens-judicial-independence","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.legalserviceindia.com\/Legal-Articles\/when-judicial-reform-threatens-judicial-independence\/","title":{"rendered":"When Judicial Reform Threatens Judicial Independence"},"content":{"rendered":"\n<h1 id=\"h-judicial-independence-italy-s-2026-referendum-and-india-s-collegium-system\" class=\"wp-block-heading\"><span class=\"ez-toc-section\" id=\"Judicial_Independence_Italys_2026_Referendum_and_Indias_Collegium_System\"><\/span>Judicial Independence: Italy\u2019s 2026 Referendum and India\u2019s Collegium System<span class=\"ez-toc-section-end\"><\/span><\/h1>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Judicial independence is not simply the separation of judges from politicians; it is the design of institutions that prevent any single branch of the state from acquiring disproportionate control over the machinery of justice. Two contemporaneous but structurally distinct constitutional debates test this proposition: Italy\u2019s 2026 referendum on separating the careers of judges and prosecutors, and India\u2019s continuing contest over the Collegium system of judicial appointments. Where Italy\u2019s debate turns on the relationship between the bench and the prosecution, India\u2019s turns on the relationship between the judiciary and the executive in appointing judges, both are different institutional problems, but pose a shared question, \u2018does reforming a judicial institution strengthen its independence, or does it merely create new channels of control?\u2019<\/p><div id=\"ez-toc-container\" class=\"ez-toc-v2_0_88 counter-hierarchy ez-toc-counter ez-toc-grey ez-toc-container-direction\">\n<div class=\"ez-toc-title-container\">\n<p class=\"ez-toc-title\" style=\"cursor:inherit\">Table of Contents<\/p>\n<span class=\"ez-toc-title-toggle\"><a href=\"#\" class=\"ez-toc-pull-right ez-toc-btn ez-toc-btn-xs ez-toc-btn-default ez-toc-toggle\" aria-label=\"Toggle Table of Content\"><span class=\"ez-toc-js-icon-con\"><span class=\"\"><span class=\"eztoc-hide\" style=\"display:none;\">Toggle<\/span><span class=\"ez-toc-icon-toggle-span\"><svg style=\"fill: #0c0c0c;color:#0c0c0c\" xmlns=\"http:\/\/www.w3.org\/2000\/svg\" class=\"list-377408\" width=\"20px\" height=\"20px\" viewBox=\"0 0 24 24\" fill=\"none\"><path d=\"M6 6H4v2h2V6zm14 0H8v2h12V6zM4 11h2v2H4v-2zm16 0H8v2h12v-2zM4 16h2v2H4v-2zm16 0H8v2h12v-2z\" fill=\"currentColor\"><\/path><\/svg><svg style=\"fill: #0c0c0c;color:#0c0c0c\" class=\"arrow-unsorted-368013\" xmlns=\"http:\/\/www.w3.org\/2000\/svg\" width=\"10px\" height=\"10px\" viewBox=\"0 0 24 24\" version=\"1.2\" baseProfile=\"tiny\"><path d=\"M18.2 9.3l-6.2-6.3-6.2 6.3c-.2.2-.3.4-.3.7s.1.5.3.7c.2.2.4.3.7.3h11c.3 0 .5-.1.7-.3.2-.2.3-.5.3-.7s-.1-.5-.3-.7zM5.8 14.7l6.2 6.3 6.2-6.3c.2-.2.3-.5.3-.7s-.1-.5-.3-.7c-.2-.2-.4-.3-.7-.3h-11c-.3 0-.5.1-.7.3-.2.2-.3.5-.3.7s.1.5.3.7z\"\/><\/svg><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/a><\/span><\/div>\n<nav><ul class='ez-toc-list ez-toc-list-level-1 ' ><li class='ez-toc-page-1 ez-toc-heading-level-1'><a class=\"ez-toc-link ez-toc-heading-1\" href=\"https:\/\/www.legalserviceindia.com\/Legal-Articles\/when-judicial-reform-threatens-judicial-independence\/#Judicial_Independence_Italys_2026_Referendum_and_Indias_Collegium_System\" >Judicial Independence: Italy\u2019s 2026 Referendum and India\u2019s Collegium System<\/a><ul class='ez-toc-list-level-2' ><li class='ez-toc-heading-level-2'><a class=\"ez-toc-link ez-toc-heading-2\" href=\"https:\/\/www.legalserviceindia.com\/Legal-Articles\/when-judicial-reform-threatens-judicial-independence\/#Italys_Judicial_Architecture\" >Italy\u2019s Judicial Architecture<\/a><ul class='ez-toc-list-level-3' ><li class='ez-toc-heading-level-3'><a class=\"ez-toc-link ez-toc-heading-3\" href=\"https:\/\/www.legalserviceindia.com\/Legal-Articles\/when-judicial-reform-threatens-judicial-independence\/#The_Proposed_Changes_to_Italys_Judicial_System\" >The Proposed Changes to Italy\u2019s Judicial System<\/a><\/li><li class='ez-toc-page-1 ez-toc-heading-level-3'><a class=\"ez-toc-link ez-toc-heading-4\" href=\"https:\/\/www.legalserviceindia.com\/Legal-Articles\/when-judicial-reform-threatens-judicial-independence\/#Judicial_Independence_or_Greater_Political_Control\" >Judicial Independence or Greater Political Control?<\/a><\/li><\/ul><\/li><li class='ez-toc-page-1 ez-toc-heading-level-2'><a class=\"ez-toc-link ez-toc-heading-5\" href=\"https:\/\/www.legalserviceindia.com\/Legal-Articles\/when-judicial-reform-threatens-judicial-independence\/#The_Referendum_and_Its_Aftermath\" >The Referendum and Its Aftermath<\/a><ul class='ez-toc-list-level-3' ><li class='ez-toc-heading-level-3'><a class=\"ez-toc-link ez-toc-heading-6\" href=\"https:\/\/www.legalserviceindia.com\/Legal-Articles\/when-judicial-reform-threatens-judicial-independence\/#The_Referendum_Result_and_Voter_Turnout\" >The Referendum Result and Voter Turnout<\/a><\/li><li class='ez-toc-page-1 ez-toc-heading-level-3'><a class=\"ez-toc-link ez-toc-heading-7\" href=\"https:\/\/www.legalserviceindia.com\/Legal-Articles\/when-judicial-reform-threatens-judicial-independence\/#Political_Consequences_of_the_Referendum\" >Political Consequences of the Referendum<\/a><\/li><li class='ez-toc-page-1 ez-toc-heading-level-3'><a class=\"ez-toc-link ez-toc-heading-8\" href=\"https:\/\/www.legalserviceindia.com\/Legal-Articles\/when-judicial-reform-threatens-judicial-independence\/#Lessons_for_Judicial_Reform_and_Independence\" >Lessons for Judicial Reform and Independence<\/a><\/li><\/ul><\/li><li class='ez-toc-page-1 ez-toc-heading-level-2'><a class=\"ez-toc-link ez-toc-heading-9\" href=\"https:\/\/www.legalserviceindia.com\/Legal-Articles\/when-judicial-reform-threatens-judicial-independence\/#Italy_and_India_Two_Different_Constitutional_Debates\" >Italy and India: Two Different Constitutional Debates<\/a><\/li><li class='ez-toc-page-1 ez-toc-heading-level-2'><a class=\"ez-toc-link ez-toc-heading-10\" href=\"https:\/\/www.legalserviceindia.com\/Legal-Articles\/when-judicial-reform-threatens-judicial-independence\/#India_The_Collegiums_Own_Institutional_Crossroads\" >India: The Collegium&#8217;s Own Institutional Crossroads<\/a><ul class='ez-toc-list-level-3' ><li class='ez-toc-heading-level-3'><a class=\"ez-toc-link ez-toc-heading-11\" href=\"https:\/\/www.legalserviceindia.com\/Legal-Articles\/when-judicial-reform-threatens-judicial-independence\/#What_India_Can_Learn_from_Italy\" >What India Can Learn from Italy<\/a><ul class='ez-toc-list-level-4' ><li class='ez-toc-heading-level-4'><a class=\"ez-toc-link ez-toc-heading-12\" href=\"https:\/\/www.legalserviceindia.com\/Legal-Articles\/when-judicial-reform-threatens-judicial-independence\/#1_Independence_Is_Not_Self-Certifying\" >1. Independence Is Not Self-Certifying<\/a><\/li><li class='ez-toc-page-1 ez-toc-heading-level-4'><a class=\"ez-toc-link ez-toc-heading-13\" href=\"https:\/\/www.legalserviceindia.com\/Legal-Articles\/when-judicial-reform-threatens-judicial-independence\/#2_Institutional_Risks_Do_Not_Necessarily_Follow_Their_Intended_Trajectory\" >2. Institutional Risks Do Not Necessarily Follow Their Intended Trajectory<\/a><\/li><li class='ez-toc-page-1 ez-toc-heading-level-4'><a class=\"ez-toc-link ez-toc-heading-14\" href=\"https:\/\/www.legalserviceindia.com\/Legal-Articles\/when-judicial-reform-threatens-judicial-independence\/#3_Structure_Counts_More_Than_Intention\" >3. Structure Counts More Than Intention<\/a><\/li><li class='ez-toc-page-1 ez-toc-heading-level-4'><a class=\"ez-toc-link ez-toc-heading-15\" href=\"https:\/\/www.legalserviceindia.com\/Legal-Articles\/when-judicial-reform-threatens-judicial-independence\/#4_The_Issue_of_Accountability_Needs_to_Be_Made_Visible\" >4. The Issue of Accountability Needs to Be Made Visible<\/a><\/li><\/ul><\/li><li class='ez-toc-page-1 ez-toc-heading-level-3'><a class=\"ez-toc-link ez-toc-heading-16\" href=\"https:\/\/www.legalserviceindia.com\/Legal-Articles\/when-judicial-reform-threatens-judicial-independence\/#Conclusion\" >Conclusion<\/a><\/li><\/ul><\/li><\/ul><\/li><\/ul><\/nav><\/div>\n\n\n\n\n<h2 id=\"h-italy-s-judicial-architecture\" class=\"wp-block-heading\"><span class=\"ez-toc-section\" id=\"Italys_Judicial_Architecture\"><\/span>Italy\u2019s Judicial Architecture<span class=\"ez-toc-section-end\"><\/span><\/h2>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Italy has historically treated judges (\u2018giudici\u2019) and public prosecutors (\u2018pubblici ministeri\u2019) as a single professional category, the magistracy (\u2018magistratura\u2019), entering through a common competitive examination and governed by a unified High Council of the Judiciary, the Consiglio Superiore della Magistratura (CSM). Magistrates could move between adjudicating and prosecuting roles during a career, a structural feature largely absent in common-law systems, where the prosecution sits institutionally apart from the bench from the outset.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h3 id=\"h-the-proposed-changes-to-italy-s-judicial-system\" class=\"wp-block-heading\"><span class=\"ez-toc-section\" id=\"The_Proposed_Changes_to_Italys_Judicial_System\"><\/span>The Proposed Changes to Italy\u2019s Judicial System<span class=\"ez-toc-section-end\"><\/span><\/h3>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The constitutional bill associated with Justice Minister Carlo Nordio, approved by Parliament in October 2025 but falling short of the two-thirds supermajority required under Article 138 of the Italian Constitution to become law without a popular vote, rested on three principal changes.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<ul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n<li><strong>Separate career tracks:<\/strong> No later possibility of transfer between judges and prosecutors.<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li><strong>Two self-governing councils:<\/strong> Institutional bifurcation of the unified CSM into two self-governing councils.<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li><strong>A new disciplinary architecture:<\/strong> A High Disciplinary Court, external to both councils, would take over magistrates\u2019 misconduct proceedings from the CSM\u2019s internal disciplinary section.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">A related, less-discussed change would have replaced peer election of council members with an element of sortition, or selection by lot.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h3 id=\"h-judicial-independence-or-greater-political-control\" class=\"wp-block-heading\"><span class=\"ez-toc-section\" id=\"Judicial_Independence_or_Greater_Political_Control\"><\/span>Judicial Independence or Greater Political Control?<span class=\"ez-toc-section-end\"><\/span><\/h3>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">At the heart of this reform sits the question this article asks throughout: does separating adjudicators from prosecutors strengthen judicial independence, or does it expose one half of the profession to greater political control?<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Supporters, led by Nordio and Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni\u2019s coalition, argued for the former: separation would sharpen the constitutional distinction between the neutral arbiter and the accusing party, aligning Italy with France and Germany.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Critics, the National Association of Magistrates (ANM), the centre-left opposition, and a coalition of 117 constitutional scholars and three former Constitutional Court presidents, argued for the latter: severing prosecutors from the judiciary\u2019s institutional shelter would expose them, not shield them, to political direction, particularly given prosecutors\u2019 role in investigating governing officials.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Critics read the reform\u2019s timing and framing as evidence that its real object was leverage over prosecutorial independence rather than neutrality as such.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h2 id=\"h-the-referendum-and-its-aftermath\" class=\"wp-block-heading\"><span class=\"ez-toc-section\" id=\"The_Referendum_and_Its_Aftermath\"><\/span>The Referendum and Its Aftermath<span class=\"ez-toc-section-end\"><\/span><\/h2>\n\n\n\n<h3 id=\"h-the-referendum-result-and-voter-turnout\" class=\"wp-block-heading\"><span class=\"ez-toc-section\" id=\"The_Referendum_Result_and_Voter_Turnout\"><\/span>The Referendum Result and Voter Turnout<span class=\"ez-toc-section-end\"><\/span><\/h3>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Italians voted on 22\u201323 March 2026 in the fifth constitutional referendum in the Republic\u2019s history. The bill was rejected by 53.24 percent of valid votes to 46.76 percent, on a turnout of 55.69 percent a defeat for the sitting government.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Because Italian confirmatory referenda under Article 138 carry no turnout quorum, the No vote settled the question on its merits.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h3 id=\"h-political-consequences-of-the-referendum\" class=\"wp-block-heading\"><span class=\"ez-toc-section\" id=\"Political_Consequences_of_the_Referendum\"><\/span>Political Consequences of the Referendum<span class=\"ez-toc-section-end\"><\/span><\/h3>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The result carried immediate political weight: Undersecretary Andrea Delmastro and Nordio\u2019s Chief of Staff Giusi Bartolozzi resigned, and Meloni openly called for the resignation of one of her cabinet colleagues.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h3 id=\"h-lessons-for-judicial-reform-and-independence\" class=\"wp-block-heading\"><span class=\"ez-toc-section\" id=\"Lessons_for_Judicial_Reform_and_Independence\"><\/span>Lessons for Judicial Reform and Independence<span class=\"ez-toc-section-end\"><\/span><\/h3>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">These consequences point to a more nuanced conclusion than a simple rejection of reform. Italians did not reject judicial reform in principle; they declined to trade an existing, working safeguard against political influence for an uncertain replacement, even though the reform\u2019s actual effect on judicial independence remained seriously contested among experts opposing the bill.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">That contestation is not merely domestic: the Council of Europe\u2019s European Commission for Democracy through Law, the Venice Commission holds that at least half of a judicial council\u2019s members should be judges elected by their peers, a benchmark the reform\u2019s proposed sortition element would have put in question.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The referendum result therefore reads less as a verdict on any single institutional design and more as a demand that the burden of proof lie with reformers, not with the status quo, a demand India\u2019s own Collegium debate has yet to face.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h2 id=\"h-italy-and-india-two-different-constitutional-debates\" class=\"wp-block-heading\"><span class=\"ez-toc-section\" id=\"Italy_and_India_Two_Different_Constitutional_Debates\"><\/span>Italy and India: Two Different Constitutional Debates<span class=\"ez-toc-section-end\"><\/span><\/h2>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The two debates concern different institutional arrangements, but both raise questions about the relationship between judicial independence and the distribution of constitutional power.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<figure class=\"wp-block-table\"><table class=\"has-fixed-layout\"><thead><tr><th>Aspect<\/th><th>Italy\u2019s Judicial Reform<\/th><th>India\u2019s Collegium Debate<\/th><\/tr><\/thead><tbody><tr><td>Central issue<\/td><td>Separation of judicial and prosecutorial careers.<\/td><td>Judicial appointments and the relationship between the judiciary and the executive.<\/td><\/tr><tr><td>Institutional focus<\/td><td>The relationship between judges and prosecutors and the structure of judicial self-governance.<\/td><td>The process of appointing judges and the distribution of influence between constitutional institutions.<\/td><\/tr><tr><td>Constitutional concern<\/td><td>Whether institutional separation protects impartiality or creates new channels of political influence.<\/td><td>Whether changes to judicial appointments preserve judicial independence while addressing concerns about the appointment process.<\/td><\/tr><tr><td>Shared question<\/td><td colspan=\"2\">Does reforming a judicial institution strengthen its independence, or does it merely create new channels of control?<\/td><\/tr><\/tbody><\/table><\/figure>\n\n\n\n<h2 id=\"h-india-the-collegium-s-own-institutional-crossroads\" class=\"wp-block-heading\"><span class=\"ez-toc-section\" id=\"India_The_Collegiums_Own_Institutional_Crossroads\"><\/span>India: The Collegium&#8217;s Own Institutional Crossroads<span class=\"ez-toc-section-end\"><\/span><\/h2>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The Italian and Indian debates arise from different institutional problems, there is one major issue that unifies them both \u2013 how judicial independence can be safeguarded while ensuring such arrangements remain accountable? While the Italian debate is focused on the connection between the judges and the prosecutors, India&#8217;s debate has been regarding the relation between the judiciary and the executive in appointing judges.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The Collegium System was not created by the express language of the Constitution but rather through a series of judgments of the Supreme Court. In the <em>First Judges Case<\/em>, the term \u2018consultation\u2019 in Article 124 and 217 was interpreted narrowly and as not requiring concurrence of the Chief Justice of India (<strong>CJI<\/strong>), and therefore primacy would rest with the executive for appointing judges.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The position was reversed in the <em>Second Judges Case<\/em>. Apprehensive of how executive dominance could compromise judicial independence, the court held that \u2018consultation\u2019 means \u2018judicial concurrence\u2019 and therefore accorded primacy to the opinion of the CJI and other senior judges collectively.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The <em>Third Judges Case<\/em> went further to institutionalize a five-member Collegium composed of the CJI and the four most senior judges.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">This system was challenged as the Parliament, through the Ninety-Ninth Constitutional Amendment, created the National Judicial Appointments Commission, which would include the Union Law Minister, the CJI, two senior most judges, and 2 eminent members.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">However, the <em>Fourth Judges Case<\/em> of 2015 ruled them as being unconstitutional, arguing that they were against the basic structure of the constitution because they endangered the independence of the judiciary. Thus, the collegium system was restored.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">It is evident that the Supreme Court has viewed judicial primacy in the appointment process as an integral part of judicial independence. However, a question arises as to how judicial primacy can be protected without compromising on transparency, accountability, and institutional legitimacy?<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h3 id=\"h-what-india-can-learn-from-italy\" class=\"wp-block-heading\"><span class=\"ez-toc-section\" id=\"What_India_Can_Learn_from_Italy\"><\/span>What India Can Learn from Italy<span class=\"ez-toc-section-end\"><\/span><\/h3>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Italy\u2019s referendum offers India no institutional template to copy since the two countries face entirely different sets of problems. However, what needs to be shared between the two cases is not the structure of the institution, but the ideas of institutional design.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h4 id=\"h-1-independence-is-not-self-certifying\" class=\"wp-block-heading\"><span class=\"ez-toc-section\" id=\"1_Independence_Is_Not_Self-Certifying\"><\/span>1. Independence Is Not Self-Certifying<span class=\"ez-toc-section-end\"><\/span><\/h4>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">First, independence is not self-certifying. While the Collegium\u2019s insulation from the executive was based on the need for judicial independence, insulation cannot by itself establish institutional integrity. The Venice Commission\u2019s benchmark that at least half of a judicial council should comprise judges chosen by their peers is a floor limit for judicial presence in the institution and not a sufficient one for decision-making. The example of India shows that peer selection cannot address issues of legitimacy if the process itself is poorly understood.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h4 id=\"h-2-institutional-risks-do-not-necessarily-follow-their-intended-trajectory\" class=\"wp-block-heading\"><span class=\"ez-toc-section\" id=\"2_Institutional_Risks_Do_Not_Necessarily_Follow_Their_Intended_Trajectory\"><\/span>2. Institutional Risks Do Not Necessarily Follow Their Intended Trajectory<span class=\"ez-toc-section-end\"><\/span><\/h4>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Second, institutional risks do not necessarily follow their intended trajectory. In Italy, separation was intended to reinforce functional distinction and accountability, but it was perceived as putting the prosecutors at risk of political influence by separating them from the judicial branch. For India, the lesson lies in the structure; any changes made to the structure of the Collegium should be assessed based not only on how transparent the new design will be, but where the decision-making power ultimately moves.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h4 id=\"h-3-structure-counts-more-than-intention\" class=\"wp-block-heading\"><span class=\"ez-toc-section\" id=\"3_Structure_Counts_More_Than_Intention\"><\/span>3. Structure Counts More Than Intention<span class=\"ez-toc-section-end\"><\/span><\/h4>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Third, structure counts more than intention. As shown by the Italian case, a reform meant to address the problem of one vulnerability in a constitutional regime can create a completely new vulnerability in the same regime. The example of ANM\u2019s concern that the separation of prosecutors would make them more vulnerable to political influence reflects this idea that independence does not depend on the intention behind the institution, but on the safeguards built into its structure.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h4 id=\"h-4-the-issue-of-accountability-needs-to-be-made-visible\" class=\"wp-block-heading\"><span class=\"ez-toc-section\" id=\"4_The_Issue_of_Accountability_Needs_to_Be_Made_Visible\"><\/span>4. The Issue of Accountability Needs to Be Made Visible<span class=\"ez-toc-section-end\"><\/span><\/h4>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Lastly, the issue of accountability needs to be made visible. India does not have to make a choice between the opaque Collegium and greater executive control. There is a way to make the exercise of primacy more accountable through the establishment of a secretariat, documented rationale within reasonable secrecy, and clear timelines. Therefore, the objective here is not to cede judicial primacy but make its exercise transparent enough to ensure institutional legitimacy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h3 id=\"h-conclusion\" class=\"wp-block-heading\"><span class=\"ez-toc-section\" id=\"Conclusion\"><\/span>Conclusion<span class=\"ez-toc-section-end\"><\/span><\/h3>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Both India and Italy reach the same fault line from different ends. The Italian referendum examined whether separating the judiciary from the prosecution would safeguard independence or merely shift influence. The Indian system has not confronted the same question, as the Collegium has never needed to explain itself to anyone except itself.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The proposition with which the article begins applies equally to both examples: reforming the structure of the judicial institution will not necessarily improve judicial independence, but could in fact open up new channels of influence. The experience of Italy is not a warning against reform, but against reform wrongly identified as transparency, and against transparency wrongly interpreted as relinquished primacy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Therefore, we need to implement methods that do not undermine the power of the Collegium but still hold it accountable without transferring any power. India&#8217;s challenge is different from that of Italy, since it is not a matter of choosing between insulation and accountability, but proving that both could coexist in the same body.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\"><strong>Written By: Akshita Choudhary<\/strong>, Final Year Student, Gujarat National Law University (GNLU); CS Professional Qualified, and Pankti Rupani, Final Year Student, Gujarat National Law University (GNLU)<\/p>\n\n\n\n<ul class=\"wp-block-yoast-seo-related-links yoast-seo-related-links\">\n<li><a href=\"https:\/\/www.legalserviceindia.com\/Legal-Articles\/the-end-of-the-unlimited-italian-passport-understanding-the-2026-citizenship-shift\/\">The End of the &#8220;Unlimited&#8221; Italian Passport? Understanding the 2026 Citizenship Shift<\/a><\/li>\n\n\n\n<li><a href=\"https:\/\/www.legalserviceindia.com\/Legal-Articles\/kohinoor-diamond-could-a-uk-breakup-finally-open-the-door-for-india-to-get-it-back\/\">Kohinoor Diamond: Could a UK Breakup Finally Open the Door for India to Get It Back?<\/a><\/li>\n\n\n\n<li><a href=\"https:\/\/www.legalserviceindia.com\/Legal-Articles\/collegium-system-for-appointment-of-judges-is-against-equality\/\">Collegium System For Appointment Of Judges Is Against Equality<\/a><\/li>\n\n\n\n<li><a href=\"https:\/\/www.legalserviceindia.com\/Legal-Articles\/from-collegium-to-commission-learning-from-the-uk-and-us-models-of-judicial-appointments\/\">From Collegium to Commission: Learning from the UK and US Models of Judicial Appointments<\/a><\/li>\n\n\n\n<li><a href=\"https:\/\/www.legalserviceindia.com\/Legal-Articles\/judicial-appointment-reform-india-collegium-ijmis\/\">Reforming India\u2019s Collegium System: A New Model for Judicial Appointments<\/a><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\"><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Judicial Independence: Italy\u2019s 2026 Referendum and India\u2019s Collegium System Judicial independence is not simply the separation of judges from politicians; it is the design of institutions that prevent any single branch of the state from acquiring disproportionate control over the machinery of justice. Two contemporaneous but structurally distinct constitutional debates test this proposition: Italy\u2019s 2026<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1933,"featured_media":34259,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_bbp_topic_count":0,"_bbp_reply_count":0,"_bbp_total_topic_count":0,"_bbp_total_reply_count":0,"_bbp_voice_count":0,"_bbp_anonymous_reply_count":0,"_bbp_forum_subforum_count":0,"_jetpack_newsletter_access":"","_jetpack_dont_email_post_to_subs":false,"_jetpack_newsletter_tier_id":0,"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paywalled_content":false,"two_page_speed":[],"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"_joinchat":[],"footnotes":""},"categories":[14],"tags":[11058,28],"class_list":["post-34244","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","category-constitutional-law","tag-constitutional-law","tag-top-news"],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO Premium plugin v28.6 (Yoast SEO v28.7) - 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