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Analysis: Caste System In India Events Of Earlier Years And Their Present Outcome

Preface To The Analysis
The ability of India to enact significant socio-political reforms would be crucial to its ambitions to become a strong superpower in the coming decades. The evils of the caste system, which are widely practised, have been a major barrier. In response, Bhim Rao Ambedkar said in 1936, "I shall be satisfied if I make the Hindus realise that they are the sick men of India, and that one's sickness is causing danger to the health and happiness of other Indians."

The dynamics between castes have loosened up in modern times. Caste distinctions are less common at local eateries, where a lot more eating is done and more food is shared between castes. Men's occupational interests have undergone one of India's most significant shifts. (and later, women). In the past, the majority of men stuck to caste-related jobs like blacksmithing and pottery production.

Many people today work in emerging, non-caste-related professions like government work, teaching, retail and service work, and machine maintenance. Caste is no longer as strongly linked to wealth and power in the village as it once was, and land ownership is now more diverse.

Additionally, there is less of an argument that the lower castes are to blame for pollution and purity. Purification rites tied to caste status are still practised behind closed doors and during ceremonial occasions, despite the fact that they have only slightly decreased in public. In families, endogamy is still prohibited, though less strictly than before.

Although there is still a strong correlation between a woman's position and that of her male counterpart, India has seen a considerable increase in education and awareness of women's equality. Caste still plays a large role in daily life in rural areas, making it difficult and slow for lower caste members to leave caste-specific occupations and get access to resources.

Caste has turned into a means of vying for access to resources and power in contemporary India, including educational possibilities, new vocations, and better life prospects, despite the fact that caste-based discrimination is illegal in that country. India's preferential policies and their implementation are related to this tendency. Even though preferential policies have been the subject of heated debate and controversy, they have still had a considerable impact on many sectors of the lower castes and classes.

The number of SCs, STs, and OBCs running for office has increased, and they are receiving a lot of local support. Additionally, they have developed into a crucial component of electoral politics and have formed potent political parties throughout numerous locations. People from these underprivileged groups have mostly succeeded in getting positions in the government and in educational institutions of all levels.

Sadly, though, these preferential policies have only helped a relatively small part of the lowest castes. In many places of India, there is greater open antagonism and violence directed against lower castes and classes even while there is an increase in acceptance of lower caste people. For instance, in portions of Bihar, an Indian state, upper-caste landowners created the Ranvir Sena, a private army, in 1994 to "defend" themselves from the lower castes.

Although this was forbidden, the Ranvir Sena had murdered 20 Dalits by the beginning of 1999. The many individuals who support the elimination of reserved government positions and in institutes for technical education, notably the many from the historically higher castes who are economically challenged, also display hostility. Caste continues to have a big impact on people's achievements, merit, and economic standing.

Before Dr. Ambedkar, there were many movements aimed at ending the caste system, including the Jyotibe Phule movement, the Bhakti movement, the Neo-Vedantik movement, and the Sanskritization movement.

In order to combat and make an effort to eradicate the injustices and inequalities caused by the caste system, numerous activities and governmental measures occurred before and after independence. Gandhi started referring to the untouchables as "Harijans" (God's people) in during national movement to promote a change of mindset toward the lower castes. However, a lot of people from lower castes thought the name was patronising.

The British began the census of India in the late 19th century, and in 1935 "the British Government of India came up with a list of 400 groups designated untouchable, as well as several tribal communities, that would be awarded special privileges in order to combat deprivation and discrimination." These groups were thereafter referred to as Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes.

However, many leaders of castes regarded as untouchable began referring to themselves as Dalits in the 1970s. Jyotirao Phule launched a movement for education and the advancement of women, Shudras, and Dalits in the middle of the 19th century, and the movement quickly extended to other regions of India.

He also tried to eliminate the concept of "untouchability," which involved eliminating limitations on admission to temples, and to accommodate Dalits within Hinduism. However, after 1910, Dalit activists began emphasising their separation from Hinduism and pushing for a separate Dalit electorate. Gandhi, a prominent member of the Indian National Congress, strove to promote the inclusion of Dalits in a reformed Hinduism, however.

The Dalit movement led by B.R. Ambedkar, which started in the 1920s and 1930s, was another significant movement. He advocated for increased Dalit rights both during and after British India's independence. Gandhi and Ambedkar both supported ending the caste system, but they had different ideas about how to do so. Gandhi thought that "goodwill and a change of heart among the upper-caste Hindus could destroy untouchability as a moral concern."

On the other hand, Ambedkar thought that "the subjection of Dalits was largely economic and political and could only be remedied by transforming the social structure through legal, diplomatic, and educational means."

Movement by Dr Ambedkar:
After India gained independence, Ambedkar did win constitutional protections reserving a certain proportion of seats in elections for Dalits, but by the middle of the 1950s, Ambedkar was dissatisfied with the pace of implementation of the provisions. As a result, he left the administration and started encouraging Dalits to fight for their rights. Around six million Dalits were persuaded to become Buddhists in 1956 by him in order to "escape the social shame of untouchability inside the Hindu caste system."

Along with other social movements, the Dalit Panthers movement emerged among the younger Dalit generation in India during the 1970s. They used their movement to express their rage and frustration over the lack of implementation of policies that would have ended upper-caste Hindus' use of violence against Dalits in many urban and rural areas of India.

The Dalit movement led by B.R. Ambedkar, which started in the 1920s and 1930s, was another significant movement. He advocated for increased Dalit rights both during and after British India's independence. Gandhi and Ambedkar both supported ending the caste system, but they had different ideas on how to do it.

Gandhi thought that "goodwill and a change of heart among the upper-caste Hindus might destroy untouchability as a moral concern." On the other hand, Ambedkar thought that "the subjection of Dalits was largely political and economic and could only be remedied by transforming the social structure through judicial, political, and instructional methods."

After India gained independence, Ambedkar did win constitutional protections reserving a certain proportion of seats in elections for Dalits, but by the middle of the 1950s, Ambedkar was dissatisfied with the pace of implementation of the provisions. As a result, he left the administration and started encouraging Dalits to fight for their rights. Around six million Dalits were persuaded to become Buddhists in 1956 by him in an effort to "escape the social shame of untouchability inside the Hindu caste system."

Similar to other social movements, the Dalit Panthers movement emerged among the younger Dalit generation in India during the 1970s. They used their movement to express their rage and frustration over the lack of implementation of policies that would have ended upper-caste Hindus' use of violence against Dalits in many urban and rural areas of India.

According to their population proportion in their region, there are three main groups of people who have been identified as eligible for policy that reserve seats in legislative bodies, in government positions, in public sector organisations, and in state-supervised educational institutions. Additionally, they have been promised specific initiatives (including land allocation, health care legal aid, scholarships, loans, and grants), and they are constitutionally shielded from prejudice such as debt, forced labor, and untouchability. The first category is the Scheduled Castes (SCs), which comprises the untouchable groups (Daniel). The Scheduled Tribes come in second (STs).

This category contains the groups that rejected the caste system and chose to live in India's highlands, woods, and deep jungles, far from the country's main population. Adivasi, which translates to "aboriginals," is another name for the Scheduled Tribes. The third category is known as the Other Backward Classes (OBCs), which also includes castes that fall within the Shudra Varna, erstwhile untouchables who converted to other religions from Hinduism, as well as nomads and tribes that subsisted off of criminal activity (Daniel). Based on their social and economic disadvantages, they are deemed to be "behind" in some way.

However, it is unclear exactly what qualifies as an OBC, and there is continuous debate over whether to give people this classification based on caste or economic factors. The issue with this is that caste and economic position have historically had a strong correlation, and even today, discrimination and prejudice based on caste prevent members of lower castes from advancing economically. The SC and ST reservation system was implemented in the 1960s, but it was up to the individual governments to decide which groups would be classified as OBCs.

Economically disadvantaged castes were classified as OBCs by many southern states, while other Indian states have faced strong opposition to enacting similar laws. The Mandal Panel report was finished by 1978 after the Central Government established a commission under the direction of B.P. Mandal to investigate the matter. Caste, it was determined, was the primary cause of social and economic backwardness. For the three categories, several seats in state institutions were set aside.

Along with 15% for SCs and 7% for STs, the Commission suggested that 27% of seats be set aside for OBCs. However, in 1990, the Janata Dal government "attempted having a say of recommendations resulting in massive unrest and opponents from middle class and upper-caste youths, intelligentsia, and elites. Unfortunately, the administration did not carry out these initiatives due to fear of widespread public opposition.

Hindu society's "type-caste" ailment was identified by the "Doctor," a lifelong warrior against the "saints," in one of his most well-known writings, The Annihilation of Caste. Since Ambedkar later converted to Buddhism, this piece is particularly pertinent today since it is sometimes referred to as his "final remarks as a Hindu."

Ambedkar claimed that the "anti-social mentality" casteism instilled in its adherents was perhaps its most deadly manifestation. In this regard, Ambedkar proclaimed that "Hindu society is a myth" for the straightforward reason that caste has created impermeable and artificial demarcations in Hindu society by defining the individual's sphere of action through an entrenched caste awareness, which comes to be sporadically bolstered by constraints on inter-dining, stringent dress codes, and mandatory caste endogamy.

An ideal Hindu is trained to behave "like a rat dwelling in his own burrow, refusing to have any touch with others," according to Dr. Ambedkar, who classifies this condition as incurable. Due to this inclination, caste discrimination has become a persistent disease, as demonstrated by tense events that continue to weigh heavily on our collective conscience.

The most recent stain on it occurred on October 8, 2021 in Karnataka, when Jagadeesha Gowda, the owner of a coffee farm, and his son Tilak kept over a dozen Dalit women prisoner and severely verbally and physically abused them. According to a major media network, a 20-year-old pregnant lady who was detained by the suspects had a miscarriage as a result of the attack.

Data from the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) shows that more than 50,000 caste-related atrocities were recorded in 2021, a significant increase from the previous year with Rajasthan, Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, and Odisha accounting for even more than 70% of such cases. These cases of caste-based violence are not only horrifying but also numerous.

The nation-building process of the nation has been hampered by the anti-social mindset among caste adherents and practitioners. Additionally, this consciousness frequently shows itself throughout the routine encounters we have in our daily social engagements.

The famous Shakespearean conundrum, "What's not in a name?" is brought to mind by the effort required to determine a person's caste from their surname.

Here is a sample of Dr. Ambedkar's opinions and how they relate to current events (such as caste violence, atrocities, and legal cases against oppression):

Evil Caste Consciousness Circle

Thus, caste has cast an invisible and impermeable curtain over our nation's top priorities, which has a ripple effect on all other facets of our shared existence. The wellbeing of residents has frequently been hampered by caste, sometimes in more than one way.

According to an article in The Hindu from December 2021, Dalit children in a school in Uttarakhand rejected the noon meal that an upper caste chef had made days before. The Dalit lady who had cooked the meals had then been dismissed.

At the centre of this dispute is a subversion of the caste system through with an act of resistance and unity displayed by the Dalit students, which has been perceived as an instance of "reverse casteism." Even while caste consciousness does not always function in a linear manner, the lived experiences of those who are at the top and bottom of the hierarchy are very different.

This gesture demonstrates the Dalits' assertion of their dignity in the face of bullying from the higher caste, and it is a manifestation of Ambedkar's maxim that you can "turn in any direction you please, caste is the monstrosity that intersects your path."

Is Caste A Bar To Economic Opportunities?

The dispute about the significance of the chaturvarna system-the system of four varnas-in forcing a strict division of labourers onto caste groups is sparked by the issue surrounding the midday meal controversy surrounding the nomination of a bhojan mata from the Dalit community. In this sense, Ambedkar characterised the caste system as "a hierarchy in which the division of workers are ranked one above the other" based simply on birth rather than on one's preferences, efficiency, merit, or inherent abilities.

Such distinctions are inconsistent with the modern realities of our day, which need flexible vocational positions and which the caste system is essentially incompatible with. A division of labour based on a "dogma of predilection" lags behind economic progress in this context.

According to a field report from rural Odisha by Columbia University researcher Suanna Oh, who researched how caste identities have continued to be a barrier to economic prosperity for the downtrodden, the negative impacts of forcing workers into watertight compartments based on the chaturvarna philosophy have been confirmed. Oh's research was published in a reputable newspaper, and it showed that even being granted 10 times their daily income, over half of the surveyed employees in the villages decided to shun caste-inconsistent duties in order to avoid mixing with workers from those other castes.

The Shudras' dependency on the three higher varnas-Brahmins, Kshatriyas, and Vaisyas-for their most basic requirements, such as education, defence, and economic independence-or, in the case of the present, food-has been farcically forced by these restrictions. In this situation, the Shudra was "not allowed to accumulate riches lest he should be autonomous of the three higher varnas," as Ambedkar so poignantly put it. He was not allowed to learn, lest he develop a constant awareness of his interests. He was not allowed to own weapons for fear that he may use them to challenge their rule.

By doing this, the so-called lower caste classes of Hindus were rendered absolutely incapable of taking direct action against a despicable caste system, much from building ties based on interdependence or mutual respect.

Non-Conformists Of Caste:

It is understandable that every attempt at political empowerment has often been met with a planned pushback from the Hindutva forces in the country when a community has been marginalised both socially and economically. The ruling Aam Aadmi Party-a party that for a long time earned its name via its developmental agenda-was caught up in an ideological schism as a result of the issue surrounding the former Delhi minister Rajendra Pal Gautam's attendance at a conversion event in the city.

One cannot dismiss the Ambedkarite legacy's reflection in Gautam's decision to convert to Buddhism after repeating the 22 pledges Ambedkar made on October 14, 1956. His choice to renounce Hinduism because of the numerous discriminations that are embedded in the casteist Hindu culture has significant political repercussions for both himself and his party. The Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) swiftly branded Gautam as a "anti-Dalit jihad supporter", according to Firstpost. The extreme Right grabbed at the first opportunity to vociferously describe them as "anti-Hindu."

This political uproar over a person's decision to practise the religion of his or her choice is not only a violation of the fundamental freedom guaranteed by Article 25 of the Indian Constitution, but it also fits into the pattern of the current administration's offensives that characterise any deviation from caste, Hinduism, or the established order as sedition act and anti-national.

Conundrum Of Caste As A "State Of Mind": Ambedkar Vs. Gandhi

An Ambedkarite cure for this disease calibrates itself on a hypothetical shift that starts by challenging Hinduism's caste system's theological foundation. He claimed that some Hindus had accepted the reality of caste as a "state of mind" because they had let their guard down in regards to the purity and infallibility of a shastras. To this aim, Ambedkar proposes that the only way to heal this century-long ill is to destroy the "sacredness and divinity in which caste is becoming imbued."

However, the issue with a complicated condition of this nature is that it presents itself differently for many people. Treatments, both preventative and curative, must be individualised to the specific symptoms in order to be effective. This led Mahatma Gandhi to refute Ambedkar's prediction, in which Gandhi asserted that the chaturvarna ashrama actually had nothing to do with caste and was only a way for people to make a living by following their ancestors' callings.

The history of contemporary India provides several examples of the duo's ideological disagreements. The British promise of a community award that gave the oppressed classes distinct electorates was one case in particular when the conflict was most obvious. Ambedkar's possible approval of this idea led Gandhi to begin a fast till death, which ultimately resulted in the two leaders forming the Poona Pact of 1932, a compromise that provided the Harijans reservations rather than separate electorates.

This historical episode prompted analysts to consider how much the depressed classes trusted the Mahatma. Ambedkar claimed that the reason the Mahatma's efforts to end untouchability failed was because he did not address the psychological foundations of caste. The expert Doctor emphasised that this ailment is caused by a way of living and a state of mind, in contrast to Saint Gandhi's understanding that it is a sociopolitical condition.

Ambedkarite Recommendation:

To achieve genuine transformation, both have argued for an efficient treatment and cure, a goal that our society must continue to pursue. For instance, Ambedkar's theories rely on the potent tools of morality and reason to combat the caste problem.

Ambedkar's tireless efforts led to the inclusion of the right to equality (Article 14), the prohibition of caste-based discrimination (Article 15), and the elimination of the cruel practise of untouchability (Article 17) as parts of the fundamental rights guaranteed by the Constitution of India, which addressed caste as a problem for all of humanity.

Ambedkar struggled for this heritage, which is based on the ideals of liberty, equality, and brotherhood. His morals marched past trying to treat the illness right now. Instead, he promoted wellness and frequent checkups.

The recent "boom in Dalit writing," as some have dubbed it, is significant in part because of this. The Boom symbolises the introduction of fresh, energetic voices to India's literary scene, as well as to previously closed-off areas of artistic output (of course, Dalits, often musicians and performers, have had their own powerful expressive forms going back centuries). Many attribute the beginnings of the Boom to Dalit Marathi literature, which started to gain momentum in the 1970s. From there, the Boom migrated to other tongues, and now, substantial bodies of work are available in Tamil, Hindi, Kannada, Telugu, and other languages.

The next eleven modern works also assisted me in developing a perspective on the caste issue. Because caste experience and the desire to critique it affect everyone, not all of the works are by Dalits. However, Dalit literature and voices guide this list, which doesn't seek to be exhaustive but rather to highlight some key points. Either the English translation or the original English version of every book is publicly available.

The most significant Dalit leader of contemporary India, Dr. B. R. Ambedkar (1891�1956), should be at the top of the list. Gandhi's brilliant competitor Ambedkar, with whom he sparred about Gandhi's weak stance on caste, was a fierce opponent. (In several of his speeches, Gandhi criticised untouchability while simultaneously romanticising the caste structure.) As a kind of protest against caste, Ambedkar-a sophisticated and insightful thinker-became a Buddhist toward the end of his life. The crucial Annihilation of Caste as well as some of his essays on Buddhism are included in this compilation.

There are countless additional works on the issue that clearly illustrate how casteism affects people's minds and social behaviours. Numerous books and articles have been written on it.

What comes next is not a book. The finest author of Hindi literature in the 20th century penned a short story in 1931. It greatly impacted me when I read it in my high school Hindi class. It is included in a common collection of Premchand's short stories like The World of Premchand (translated by David Rubin). The narrative depicts a Brahmin who seeks a favour from Dukhi Chamar being cruelly and tragically exploited by him. The horrifying last scene of the narrative, set against the title, surpasses any modest sense of reality despite the fact that Premchand is recognised as a master of social realism. Read the narrative, then contrast it with the Satyajit Ray-directed TV movie from 1981, which is accessible on YouTube with subtitles.

Untouchable by Mulk Raj Anand: This English-language novel by a significant Indian author, published in 1935, is a well studied classic. In it, a Dalit manual scavenger named Bakha describes a day in his existence while bitterly lamenting his situation in sometimes flowery language. Famously, the book is concluded with Bakha attending a gathering where Gandhi makes an appearance. The work hasn't held up well over time in many areas, and its portrayal of Bakha has drawn some criticism. However, it brings up intriguing issues about the literary representation of a fictitious Dalit existence in English.

ANANDMURTHY, UR A. K. Ramanujan's translation of Samskara, "A Rite for a Dead Man," The novel, which is set in South India and was written in 1965, is a terrible psychological examination of the gradual breakdown of a revered Brahmin who is confronted with challenges to his orthodoxy. The celebrated poet A. K. Ramanujan translated Samskara into English, and a well-received film version was produced in 1970.

The Weave of My Life: A Dalit Woman's Memoirs by Urmila Pawar: This autobiography, which was first published in Marathi in 1988, contributed to raising awareness of Dalit women's hardships in particular. Pawar describes her life spanning many years, including her upbringing in a rural area of Western India, conversion to Buddhism, relocation to the huge metropolis of Bombay, and participation in the Dalit emancipation struggle. The book, which Maya Pandit translated, eloquently captures the changing dynamics of Dalit politics and existence over the 20th century, among other things.

The book Poisoned Bread: Translations from Contemporary Dalit Marathi Literature: The Boom in Dalit writing in Marathi was brought to national and worldwide exposure in this 1992 anthology, curated by a well-known Dalit author. The collection contains poetry, fiction, and non-fiction works by prominent Boomers such Namdeo Dhasal, Baburao Bagul, and Raja Dhale (including autobiographical writing and critical essays). A reader might do worse than to start with this legendary anthology, which is still relevant 25 years later.

Bama, Karukku (Lakshmi Holmstrom translation): A Christian Dalit woman's award-winning autobiography in Tamil, Karukku, was published in 1992. Lakshmi Holmstrom translated it into English. Bama describes her encounters with bigotry both inside her own Christian religion and in her town. It serves as a useful reminder that caste inequality affects people of many faiths. The book's earthy language rapidly made it renowned once it was published.

Kancha Illaiah's 1996 book, Why I Am Not a Hindu, is a polemical mixture of autobiography, ethnography, and political critique. It had a significant impact on the introduction of the dalitbahujan concept. Iliah uses the term "dalitbahujan" to refer to the castes directly above Dalits as well as other non-Dalit castes. His startling thesis includes the idea that dalitbahujan's social and cultural customs are so unlike from those of upper caste Hindus that they cannot legitimately be referred to as Hindus at all. He attempts to refute hindutva, or Hindu fanaticism, by this assertion.

Mistry, Rohinton, "A Fine Balance": Four individuals, including two Dalits, are followed over the course of several years in this sweeping English novel. The novel, which was released in 1996, is a remarkable example of realism. It depicts the Dalit characters in connection to a large and changing world around them and is mostly set in Bombay in the 1970s. It's one of the best books about India in the last 25 years, in my opinion, and comparing it to Anand's Untouchable shows how much has changed-or hasn't changed-in terms of caste representation in literature. Fair warning: the book is gloomy and lengthy.

Viramma: Life of an Untouchable, or should I say "by Josiane Racine and Jean-Luc Racine with Viramma," with Josiane Racine and Jean-Luc Racine? This 1998 book raises concerns regarding whose voice we actually read in its pages and how that voice has been presented, similar to many joint biographical works. The book chronicles the life of a Tamil Dalit woman using interviews gathered over several years by ethnographers stationed in France. After being translated, it was initially released in French. I've included it because it gives a female Dalit voice that hasn't yet been politicised by the radical movements started in Ambedkar's honour.

Seasons of the Palm by Perumal Murugan: This Tamil book, which was shortlisted for the Kiriyama Prize, depicts the life of a Dalit child who works as a goatherder for a non-Dalit family that is somewhat lower in caste than him. It has been expertly translated by V. Geetha and is at once lovely and heartbreaking.

With wonderful clarity, the author describes the boy's interactions with both this family and the goats he herds. Despite not being written by a Dalit author, the novel might be seen as a product of the increase in Dalit writing. Murugan has come under fire ever since the book's release in 2000 because of a later book, One Part Woman, which the caste society found disrespectful. Caste participation in literature is still a contentious topic, one I was extremely aware of when I wrote Ghost in the Tamarind.

The caste system in India has had a considerable impact on the development of the professions and functions within Indian society, in addition to the values held by its members. Since the time of the Aryans, religion has been the driving force behind the perpetuation of this social stratification structure.

This drive began with the Aryans and has resulted in a long history of tragic discrimination, segregation, violence, and injustice. It was the religion of the Indian people that had an impact on their day-to-day lives as well as their beliefs, and Hinduism was the foundation of the purity vs pollution problem. Casteism is still very much alive and well in India, despite the fact that the country has been independent for many years. Since the beginning of recorded history.

India has maintained its status as a country despite the existence of closed groups that are differentiated by caste, creed, and language. A law that played a significant part in the economy of both urban and rural life was that occupations were hereditary. Work was divided, and each person had his assigned work from the time they were born. It was difficult to switch professions or castes, and it was unusual to find someone who had abandoned the work of their forefathers in order to choose their own route in life. It is clear that caste continues to play a significant part in the dynamic of social and political relations inside India continues to play an essential role.

However, the connection between caste and hereditary jobs is becoming less prominent in today's society, and there are fewer limitations placed on the ability of members of different castes to associate socially with one another, particularly in metropolitan regions. There is a shift occurring in contemporary Indian culture away from the closed social structures that have existed in the past and toward a state of development and growth that is characterised by the affirmation of the human spirit regardless of one's caste or belief.

Individuals in India have been pushed to be more polite toward other caste members as a result of the several groups that have emerged to challenge the inequities linked with the caste system. Many members of the lower castes have benefited much from the caste system's gradual abolition, and India should be commended for the ongoing efforts it makes to rid its culture of the caste system, which is a method of social stratification. In spite of this, it is essential to examine the significance of the ways in which caste rank has influenced the standard of living and social mobility in India in the modern era.

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